Devolution in the U.K. - II

By Mukund Padmanabhan

A STONE'S throw from Queen Elizabeth's Holyrood Palace in Edinburgh, a large vacant site stirs with construction activity. Here, against the stunning backdrop of the Salisbury Crags, is where Scotland's new Parliament building, a daringly designed neo-modern structure inspired by the shape of leaves, will be situated. Some politicians in Scotland say that it is a symbol of the ``new politics'' that the devolution programme in Britain was designed to engender. But what about the people themselves? Has devolution made a difference to their lives? If opinion polls truly reflect popular opinion, then the answer in both Scotland and Wales would be a clear no. One poll held five months ago in Scotland concluded that 80 per cent of the people felt that nothing, or at least very little, had changed. However, this may reflect frustration with the limitations of the new order; one opinion poll, for instance, revealed most Scots believe that their Parliament's powers should be expanded for greater effectiveness.

The pro-independence Scottish Nationalist Party (SNP), now the principal Opposition in Parliament, of course wants much more. One crucial question relates to the impact of devolution on separatist sentiment and the answer is not altogether clear. The fear that devolution would raise the political debate between the unionists and the nationalists to a feverish and unpleasant pitch has not materialised. Scotland's political discourse and the SNP's immediate concern in many ways relates to the manner in which Scotland should be governed. The SNP seems keen on projecting itself as the-Government-in-waiting and not merely the party of independence.

At the same time, it is pretty apparent that there is not much political purchase in toeing an uncompromisingly unionist line. In the May 1999 Scottish parliamentary elections, the Conservatives failed to win a single first-past-the-post seat (all the 18 seats they got were on the basis of proportional representation). In contrast, the SNP polled almost 30 per cent of the vote, considerably more than the 22 per cent it polled for the election to Westminster two years earlier. One of the major reasons which firmed up the Labour Party's resolve to devolve power in Scotland was the rising levels of support for independence and self-determination in the region.

Like the SNP, Plaid Cymru in Wales regards devolution not as a final event but the beginning of a process of political change. Its aim is to secure self-government (and not independence) but the degree of autonomy the party demands has far-reaching implications. As the SNP does, the Plaid wants to be a part of the European Union and become a member of the United Nations. Says the presiding officer of the Welsh Assembly, Lord Dafydd Elis Thomas: ``I would prefer a federal U.K. within a federal Europe''.

As a first step, the party is in favour of greater devolution - at least on a par with Scotland. This demand has more support among other political parties than appears on the face of it. There is only so much an Assembly without the powers to make primary legislation can do. And the limitation of a role, which is largely confined to managing funds that are made available from the Treasury, is found wanting in many quarters.

Those in the Labour-Liberal coalition which runs the Assembly do not openly support greater devolution. But given the tensions in the existing set-up - some of which arises from the lack of clarity about the exact powers enjoyed by the Assembly - there is some general sympathy for the view that Wales could use a Scottish-type Parliament. Ms. Elin Jones, a Plaid Cymru Assembly member, thinks that the Labour Party will endorse a Welsh Parliament in the next few years.

Plaid Cymru now has four members in the House of Commons and 17 in the Welsh Assembly, where it is the official Opposition. In recent years, it has found its support growing among the youth. A similar phenomenon exists in Scotland, where the SNP is popular with young voters. In both places, British identity is stronger among the elderly - the constituency where the Conservative Party draws its insubstantial and seemingly dwindling support. The party opposed devolution in both the regions but is now committed to working within the new system. One of the challenges before the party is to reach out to younger voters, many of who see themselves as Scottish or Welsh first and British second.

In Northern Ireland, questions of identity hinge essentially on denomination. In Scotland and Wales, the issue of identity is somewhat more complex, particularly in the context of nationalist politics. Language cannot serve as a basis for nationalism because neither Welsh nor Gaelic are spoken widely enough. For instance, despite attempts to resuscitate it, according to one survey, Welsh is spoken only by around 20 per cent of the people. The only areas where the language is spoken in substantial numbers are in west and northwest Wales; but even here, the number of people who use it as the first language is very few. Culture does not provide much grist to the nationalist mill either - Scotland, for instance, has a sizeable English population.

In Scotland, the SNP propounds what it calls a ``civic nationalism'' - one that is neither predicated on language nor culture. It is an inclusive non-discriminatory kind of nationalism which regards anyone residing within Scotland as Scottish. In Wales too, despite the stress on reviving Welsh, the question of identity is not very clearly defined in nationalist politics.

What does England make of Mr. Tony Blair's devolution initiative? At one level, there is a distinct lack of interest in what is going on in Scotland and Wales. Northern Ireland, where the re- emergence of violence and terrorism is always a threat, continues to grab headlines and occupy most of the attention. However, the so-called West Lothian question could become a subject for political debate. Namely, why should Scottish MPs have a say in English affairs when voting in Westminster when English MPs do not have a similar say in Scottish affairs? (The question is irrelevant as far as Wales is concerned because the Welsh Assembly deals only in secondary legislation).

A few days ago, the question was pitchforked into national focus with the Conservative leader, Mr. William Hague, describing the existing system as ``unfair'' and calling for a situation where the English decide on English affairs. Some of Hague's partymen have demanded a English Parliament on the lines of Scotland to level the political playing field.

The suggestion is not regarded favourably by the Labour Party, which argues that such a system would be lopsided. In other words, that England with a population of some 50 million cannot be compared with Scotland (about 5 million) or Wales (3 million). The Labour Party's objection probably has a practical dimension - a separate English Parliament would be inevitably ruled by Conservatives.

There are other issues that could become a factor in the politics of the south. To cite one example, Scotland does pretty well from the formula by which its share of the budgetary revenue is parcelled out. As a result, the per capita expenditure of more than one public service is higher than England. In the area of health, 40 per cent more is spent per capita on those living in Scotland.

In short, devolution has set off a diverse set of reactions and it is likely that these will play a role in the further transformation of the United Kingdom. How this transformation takes shape and how it will be precipitated are not easy to predict. But the betting is that if Blair's Britain has changed, then it is likely to change much more.

(Concluded)

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