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Saran, Rice discuss nuclear deal

Any change to be ``within the parameters'' of understanding reached: India

Washington: The implementation of the historic India-U.S. civilian nuclear deal came up during discussions Foreign Secretary Shyam Saran had with U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice here.

The meeting with Rice on Wednesday followed a working lunch Mr. Saran had with Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs Nicholas Burns, at which they discussed "all bilateral issues" with a focus on the civilian nuclear agreement, especially on the kind of steps necessary to take it further, sources said.

The Bush administration is understood to have affirmed its commitment to working with the United States Congress and the Nuclear Suppliers Group to advance the civilian nuclear energy agreement between the two countries.

Senior officials of the two sides are also said to have discussed the so-called 123 Agreement, seen as a technical one that would have to be approved by the Congress.

"These senior-level consultations are to advance the United States-India strategic partnership," a senior Bush administration official said.

Terms for changes

Against the backdrop of some U.S. lawmakers suggesting that conditions be attached to the nuclear deal, Mr. Saran, in an interactive session at the Heritage Foundation here on Thursday made it clear that any change contemplated by Congress would have to be ``within the parameters'' of understanding reached between the two sides.

He said that while non-approval of the deal by Congress would lead to ``some falling back'' in expectations from bilateral ties, other facets of the relations would ``not fall by the wayside.''

``The understanding that we have reached between India and the U.S. has been the result of a very painstaking and very, very complex negotiations,'' he said. ``So the understanding is a rather a carefully balanced one and it is a rather delicately balanced one ... therefore it stands to reason that whatever change that is contemplated should be in line with the parameters of that understanding,'' he said.

``As long as that legislation is within the bounds of that understanding, I think we will have no problem,'' Mr. Saran said.

His remarks come close on the heels of the Bush administration's view that while it welcomed suggestions from Congress, it would not like to revisit the nuclear deal. Mr. Saran, however, said ``it is really a hypothetical question for the moment because I think we will have to wait and see what precisely is the legislative change that will be brought about after it has been considered by the Congress.''

Security rationale

In his address at the Heritage Foundation, Mr. Saran said there was a ``strong security rationale'' behind the pact and held out the bait of spin-offs of the country's expertise in reactor refurbishment that could help revive the global nuclear industry.

India ``cannot be a partner and a target'' of international nuclear regime, he said and brushed aside suggestions that the separation of military and civil nuclear facilities would open the possibility of a massive increase in New Delhi's weapons programme.

``The issue that encapsulates the convergences of relations between the United States and India is that of the civilian nuclear energy arrangement and this initiative will determine for good reasons the direction of future ties between the two countries,'' he said.

``It has a strong security rationale as it would enable India to make a fuller contribution to global non-proliferation efforts,'' Mr. Saran said.

Economic rationale

He spoke of the economic rationale and benefits of the nuclear agreement, pointing out that the acceleration in India's progress would not only have dramatic anti-poverty consequences but would significantly strengthen global economy.

The accord had a technology component as well. ``Indian scientists now have much to bring to the table, especially in areas where they have established technology leads. Even in fields like reactor refurbishment, we are extremely innovative and competitive and our activities outside India can expedite the global revival of the nuclear industry.''

India's commitment

Mr. Saran said India had made a commitment ``to refrain from transferring enrichment and reprocessing technologies to nations that do not have them, and to support international efforts to limit their spread ... But India cannot be a partner and a target at the same time. If there is an expectation that we should play a greater role, particularly in combating the twin threats of WMD proliferation and terrorism, then it is only reasonable that the energy requirements of a country with such strong credentials is recognised,'' he said.

He brushed aside the argument that the separation plan opened the possibility of a massive increase in India's nuclear weapons programme.

``I would like to remind all of you of our record of responsibility, restraint and I would even say idealism — in this regard. We were reluctant to exercise our weapon option to begin with. Having felt compelled to do so, we remain committed to a credible minimum deterrent. If our posture so far has been one of restraint and responsibility not disputed even by our critics, there is no reason why we should suddenly change now,'' he said.

Aspersions cast

``Some aspersions have been cast on our technology control record. I would like to strongly underline that not only our non-proliferation record but even the export control record, that goes back to the 1984 MOU with USA, has been exemplary,'' he said.

He rejected the view that making an exception by the U.S. and NSG to cooperate with India in the nuclear field would open the door for non-nuclear states to harbour atomic weapons ambi tions. ``This is a false analogy. No other state has the responsible record that India does and is denied access to civil nuclear energy technology." — PTI

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