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Opinion
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Iran keeps all its options
Kesava Menon
THEY HAVE more reason to hate the Taliban than almost anyone
else, they are allied with arguably the most competent anti-
Taliban commander in the field and they have a lot to gain from
the collapse of the Taliban. Yet, the Iranians, who opposed the
Islamic militia since it swept to power, appear to be wavering
just when a whole coalition of forces poses the biggest threat to
the Taliban it has ever had to face.
There have been reports of Taliban officials travelling to Mashad
for talks with Iranian officials and also about a delegation from
Teheran going to Kandahar. These reports have neither been
confirmed nor denied by Iranian authorities but the absence of
denial or admission need not mean much. The Iranians do not
bother much about reports in a Western media they believe has
been consistently hostile. In any case, the machinations Iran
might mount could be more effective if shrouded in mystery. The
former Mujahideen commander Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, currently based
in Iran, is reportedly reaching out to the Taliban and the
reports that he is doing so at least partly on behalf of his
hosts have not been denied either.
If the Iranians have indeed turned friendly, it would have come
as a huge relief to the Taliban. Despite the Pakistan
Government's claim that it has responded to U.S. requests to
choke off supplies to the Taliban, supplies can still slip across
the porous border with or without Islamabad's connivance.
However, a supply route from Iran, especially for the oil without
which no war can be fought in modern times, will be infinitely
more assured and a little more secure from interdiction by U.S.
warplanes.
Iran's attitude towards the Taliban is said to have changed
because of its apprehension that the U.S. was keen on re-
installing the former King, Mohammed Zahir Shah, after the
overthrow of the Taliban. This line of analysis does not make
much sense. Why should Iran worry whether a Taliban-free
Afghanistan is a monarchy or a republic or some other form of
Government as long as it is peaceable? The return of monarchy to
Afghanistan could, say some, give rise to the demand for a return
to monarchy in Iran and, a theocratic regime that overthrew the
Iranian monarchy cannot tolerate even the slightest possibility
of such a development. But there is hardly anyone who wants the
monarchy to return to Iran. Those who speak out against the
theocrats are demanding more democracy not a return to rule by
the Shahs.
If Iran really had fears on this score, they would have been
further reduced by the developments on the Zahir Shah front. The
former King's representatives failed to turn up at the conference
called by that most loyal of former mujahideen leaders, Pir
Gilani. While the Northern Alliance claims it has drawn up its
list of candidates for a Loya Jirgathat might be held under the
King's chairmanship at some time, there seems to be very little
coordination on a daily basis between the Alliance and the King.
A long-standing incompatibility between those Afghans who have
actually done the fighting for the last 20 years and the ``Gucci
Muj'' - reportedly busy right now vying for seats at a Luciano
Pavarotti concert - does not appear to have been bridged in the
least.
What does really worry Iran - that faces U.S. allies on its
south-western and north-western flanks - is the prospect that
America might become entrenched in a post-Taliban Afghanistan. It
does not, therefore, want a very pro-Western Pashtun element -
whether the King or groups like his - to become the dominant
force in the neighbouring country. At the same time, Teheran has
been clear - and it had recognised this earlier and more clearly
than almost anyone else - that there can be no stable Government
in Kabul without a strong Pashtun element.
Iran's moves currently appear directed to ensure that the Pashtun
element which becomes dominant is nationalistic and not
subservient to the U.S.
That Iran's current moves are purely tactical, and do not
represent a strategic repudiation of the Northern Alliance, is
apparent from the fact that it continues to provide material
assistance to the Alliance. Not much news is coming out of
western Afghanistan these days but Ismail Khan, former Governor
of Heart, was the first to gain significant chunks of territory
from the Taliban.
Another question is whether Iran's current moves are not
connected with its overall diplomatic objectives? It is very
difficult to deny that the current developments have provided
Iran with an opportunity to further whittle away at its
estrangement from the U.S.
There have been reports that Iranian authorities have told
Western diplomats in closed sessions that they agree with the war
goal of removing the Taliban from power and that public rhetoric
to the contrary should be ignored.
Iran, in an unprecedented move, has offered the use of its air
space for missions that might be mounted to search and rescue
downed U.S. airmen. At the end of this week, Iran also declared
that it was re-calling military advisers sent to help Muslim
warriors in places as diverse as Kosovo and Lebanon.
Next week, the Iranian President, Syed Mohammed Khatami, will be
addressing the U.N. General Assembly.
It is not the Iranian style to make dramatic political
announcements but Mr. Khatami's speech will still be noted with
interest.
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