They have only their chains to lose

Kalpana Sharma

ALMOST every day there is a story about some unspeakable atrocity committed on a person because he or she is a Dalit. In a country where the law bans untouchability and where the caste system is supposed to have been abolished, it is impossible to hide the fact that it is alive and kicking.

The Government's best efforts to project to the world that something is being done about this continuous discrimination on the basis of caste is constantly challenged by the innumerable reports that tell the opposite story.

Against this reality, the fuss made over the November 4 rally called by an Indian Revenue Service officer, Mr. Udit Raj (formerly known as Mr. Ram Raj), who heads the All-India Confederation of SC/ST Organisations, to publicly embrace Buddhism along with thousands of other Dalits, seems almost unreal.

Why should the Centre feel concerned if Dalits choose to shrug off centuries of discrimination by moving outside the religious fold that represents their unequal status?

Clearly, the question is not just the right of Dalits to choose a religion although this is an essential democratic right. Within the context of a Constitution that assures freedom of religion, the right to choose a religion, any religion, should not and cannot be questioned. Indeed, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad's claim that the November 4 rally was ``unconstitutional'' is totally specious.

But in the Indian reality, the caste issue is not just about discrimination; it is also about votes. And for parties that have based their electoral gains on Hindutva, every Hindu who leaves the fold is a vote lost.

The heavy-handed response of the Government, and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, to the rally is indicative of this paranoia that has been central to the entire Hindutva campaign.

Equally telling is the sudden concern expressed by the Shiv Sena for the Dalits. This is a party whose chief, Mr. Bal Thackeray, has publicly opposed reservation on the basis of caste. Yet his son and heir apparent, Mr. Uddhav Thackeray, made an open bid to woo Maharashtra's Dalits. Speaking at the centenary celebrations of Dadasaheb Gaikwad, a confidant of Babasaheb Ambedkar, Mr. Thackeray told Dalits who had chosen to be Buddhists, ``You may have embraced Buddhism. But the blood which courses through your veins is that of a Hindu''.

He went on to urge Hindus and Dalits to ``come together to fight the likes of the Taliban''. Mr. Thackeray's intent could not be more transparent given that Mumbai city faces a municipal election in the next three months.

But in this jockeying for Dalit votes and questions being raised about the motives of the little-known Mr. Udit Raj, some important issues have been overlooked.

The central issue is not about the religion that Dalits choose, but about Hinduism itself. This, says the Hyderabad-based scholar, Dr. Kancha Ilaiah - whose book ``Why I am not a Hindu'' generated intense debate - is what ought to be agitating the minds of people, and particularly of Hindus.

``Hinduism basically denies Dalits the right to religion by denying them initiation into the religion and the chance of joining the priesthood.'' As a result, he argues, the Dalits cannot be considered Hindus because they are not granted equal rights as the others who are Hindu.

``Where does the question of conversion arise,?'' asks Dr. Ilaiah. Dalits, he says, ``embrace'' Buddhism because it gives them an equal place as others. A Dalit can become a chief monk in Buddhism or be placed incharge of an important Buddhist shrine.

Similarly, in Christianity, a number of Dalits have become Bishops and senior church functionaries. And in Islam as well, there is no restriction on a convert from any caste becoming a mullah or religious preacher. Only amongst Hindus is this right completely denied to the Dalits. ``Why is there a silence on the part of Hindutva organisations about this right of the Dalits within Hinduism,?'' he asks.

``Let Hinduism declare that a Dalit can become the head priest of Tirupati or Jagannath temple, or a Shankaracharya. Let the VHP declare that if and when the Ram temple is built, a Dalit will be the priest,'' challenges Dr. Ilaiah. He points out that the recent move of the Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister, Mr. N. Chandrababu Naidu, to open temples to Dalits is not enough.

When Dr. Ilaiah suggested to the State Government that it go further and open Hindu religious schools to Dalits so that they could train for priesthood, he was told that this would lead to trouble.

He points out that already there is a campaign to boycott the temples where Dalits have been granted entry, making the ostensible gain for Dalits by the opening of these temples highly questionable. ``Untouchability came with the temples and will go out with the temples,'' he says.

About the actual rally on November 4, Dr. Ilaiah suggests that the symbolism of a Buddhist monk shaving the head of Mr. Udit Raj is also important. He points out that under Hinduism, the barber's job is considered unclean and no priest would be seen removing hair from another person.

On the other hand, under Buddhism this is considered an act of purification. ``Why does Hinduism deny the dignity of labour and lay down norms for language, food and culture?''

Dr. Ilaiah's controlled anger gives an indication of the extent of feeling amongst Dalits on their continued exclusion. This was evident last September at the U.N. conference in Durban on the issue of racism. The Government of India refused to accept that caste discrimination was an important issue that needed to be tackled along with other forms of discrimination in societies around the world. The presence of Indian NGOs at the conference forced the issue to be raised in an international forum, something the Government had tried hard to prevent.

The conference also built national and international alliances on issues of discrimination. It is these networks that have activated the VHP's imagination into seeing a ``hidden Christian hand'' behind every Dalit assertion of their rights.

People like Dr. Ilaiah, on the other hand, openly acknowledge the support of Christians and ask, ``Why not? What is wrong if they are helping the masses to be spiritually liberated?''

From the statement of the Catholic Bishops' Conference of India (CBCI) reiterating the democratic rights of citizens in India to ``assemble, live in freedom and profess and propagate their faith'' and announcements by Dalit groups in the south, particularly Kerala and Tamil Nadu, that other such rallies will be held in the next months, it is evident that this issue will not subside.

Ranged against these groups is an equally determined VHP which will oppose and obstruct any effort by Dalits to escape caste oppression. But in the resulting clash between two entirely opposing views, will the life of the poor Dalit, who continues to live separately, drink from a separate glass, and is denied entry not just into temples but even into homes, be any different?

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