|
Online edition of India's National Newspaper Wednesday, August 08, 2001 |
|
Front Page |
National |
Southern States |
Other States |
International |
Opinion |
Business |
Sport |
Miscellaneous |
Classifieds |
Employment |
Index |
Home |
|
National
| Previous
| Next
Maintaining the sanctity of LoC
By K. K. Katyal
NEW DELHI, AUG. 7. The recent Pakistani effort to reinterpret the
Line of Control in Jammu and Kashmir is seen here as inducting an
ominous factor in the dealings between India and Pakistan. It is
considered worrying on another count, too - as a bid to wriggle
out of solemn commitments between the two Governments in the
past.
Just before the Agra summit, New Delhi became aware of a material
distinction made by Islamabad between the LoC and the
international border. It was coupled with the implied but none
too subtle suggestion, that the LoC was crossable by ``freedom
fighters''. This argument was pursued at Agra as well and was one
of the major causes for the inability of the two heads - the
Prime Minister, Mr. Atal Behari Vajpayee, and the Pakistan
President, Gen. Pervez Musharraf - to agree on a joint
declaration.
India, as was known, was keen on a reference to cross- border
terrorism and the importance of putting an end to it for the sake
of normality in the State and for reducing tensions in its
relations with Pakistan. Gen. Musharraf rejected the suggestion,
saying there was no international border but an LoC in most parts
of the State. This, along with the Pakistani insistence on
characterising the ``jehadi'' butchers as freedom fighters meant
that a grim view had not to be taken of what India regarded as
the movement of terrorists across the LoC, but Pakistan saw as a
part of the freedom struggle. India could not have accepted this
position, especially when the terroristic operations had been
systematically organised with the help of Pakistani agencies and
when they provided material assistance in the form of arms,
training and money, while maintaining the facade of ``political,
moral and diplomatic help''.
Any move to dilute the sanctity of the LoC was fraught with
dangerous consequences, for if it could be violated by the bands
of terrorists from the Pakistani side, it could as well be
crossed by the Indian troops from their direction in ``hot
pursuit''. Realising the drastic implications of such an action,
the Indian Government, in pursuance of a considered policy
decision, had decided against it, rejecting the suggestions by
fringe elements within the country. It was this caution that
weighed with the Indian security forces in not advancing across
the LoC during the Kargil conflict, though they could have cut
their losses by doing so. And it was this sanctity that led the
then U.S. President, Mr. Bill Clinton, to prevail upon the
Pakistan Prime Minister of the day, Mr. Nawaz Sharif, to withdraw
its troops from the Indian side of the LoC in Kargil. It was a
different story that Mr. Sharif's action in July 1999 provoked
the military leadership of Pakistan into removing him from power
a few months later.
That the LoC was meant to be respected by the two sides (just as
an international border is accepted) is evident from the relevant
provision of the Shimla Agreement. According to it, ``in Jammu
and Kashmir, the Line of Control resulting from the cease-fire
line of December 17, 1971, shall be respected by both sides
without prejudice to the recognised position of either side.
Neither side shall seek to alter it unilaterally, irrespective of
mutual differences and legal interpretations. Both sides further
undertake to refrain from the threat or the use of force in
violation of this Line.''
The decision to convert the ceasefire line into the LoC was no
flash-in-the-pan affair but the outcome of serious negotiations.
India agreed to Bhutto's request for not inserting in the
agreement the joint support for the gradual graduation of the LoC
into an international border. The phrase ``without prejudice to
the recognised position of either side'' was a concession to
Bhutto to save him from domestic embarrassment. At the same time,
the second and third paras of the Kashmir-related clause were
meant to prevent the abuse of this concession and to lay the
foundation for a future settlement of the Kashmir issue,
according to the inside accounts of the Shimla talks. It is
ironic that the Pakistani reinterpretation of the LoC has become
an impediment in the efforts for a ``future settlement''.
Send this article to Friends by E-Mail
|
|
Section : National Previous : Ex-UTI chief, 3 others get bail Next : Muslims oppose Ladakh's Union Territory demand | |
|
Front Page |
National |
Southern States |
Other States |
International |
Opinion |
Business |
Sport |
Miscellaneous |
Classifieds |
Employment |
Index |
Home | |
|
Copyrights © 2001 The Hindu Republication or redissemination of the contents of this screen are expressly prohibited without the written consent of The Hindu |
|