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Musharraf decision prompted by domestic factors
By K.K. Katyal
NEW DELHI, JUNE 20. Gen. Pervez Musharraf's dramatic action in
taking over as the President of Pakistan will not make much
difference to India, especially to his summit with the Prime
Minister, Mr. Atal Behari Vajpayee - if at all it may simplify
matters. However, he may have to reckon with domestic
complications and increased scepticism of the world community.
The fact of Mr. Vajpayee's invitation to Gen. Musharraf implied
recognition that he had come to stay. Many in Pakistan, not
perhaps, excluding the General himself, had ascribed the earlier
Indian reluctance to deal with him as indicative of doubts about
his durability. That may well have been a factor, though there
were other reasons like the fear of adverse public reaction in
India to any engagement with the architect of Kargil, the
hesitation in doing business with a coup leader, whose action had
been strongly disapproved by the Commonwealth and other
international bodies.
Of late, however, New Delhi's assessment was clear that he
enjoyed unchallenged supremacy - he was fully backed by the Army
at all levels and dissenting elements were too feeble to pose
even a semblance of a threat to him, political parties had been
contained with the leaders of the two mainstream organisations,
the Muslim League (N) and the Pakistan Peoples Party, Mr. Nawaz
Sharif and Ms. Benazir Bhutto, in exile. This persuaded India to
modify its earlier stand which was construed - or misconstrued -
as negative even by friends abroad, including the U.S. and
Russia.
India chose to engage with a person who calls all the shots in
Pakistan now. Today's development does not change that position.
It came here as a surprise, though, in Pakistan, this possibility
had been talked about for months, and had been the topic of
political despatches, obviously based on calculated leaks. The
General's decision was prompted by domestic factors, not by
considerations related to the coming summit. But the timing of
the move may be connected with the India visit. It may be linked
with his keenness to deal with the democratically elected Prime
Minister of India not as a coup leader but as the head of his
country, both in constitutional and practical terms. He may be
wanting to convey another point - that there would be no element
of doubt about the credibility of the commitments, to be made by
him, and that there would be no break in the matter of
implementation. ``I am the boss. Take me seriously. I am the
legitimate head of state. I can deliver'' - is the main unspoken
message.
Whether this means a change - and if so, positive or negative -
in his style and in his stand on substantive issues and whether
he will be able to muster increased confidence in his resolve to
``change history'' would need to be watched. The saddest persons
in Pakistan today will be the leaders of political parties. They
had counted on an advance, even though slow, towards restoration
of the democratic set-up, on preliminary steps towards a process,
for which the Supreme Court had fixed October 2002 as the
deadline. Today's move had a message for them too - that there
would be no effective transfer of power to a civilian
dispensation and that the armed forces would remain a major
factor in the country's governance. The General will be the
tenant of the Aiwan-e-Sadr (The President's palace) for the next
five years, while continuing as the Chief Executive and the Chief
of Army Staff.
Whatever constitutional mechanisms are to be devised they will
have to fit in the framework, resting on his supremacy and the
increased role of the armed forces. Could it be to the liking of
the parties which planned to intensify their campaign for the
restoration of democracy?
How will today's development be received by the world community?
As the coup leader's bid to legitimise himself. As such, there
will be increased concern over the future course of Pakistan. At
the same time, considerations of real politk may lead them to
deal with the present regime, for reasons connected with
security, Pakistan's status as a nuclear power, for engagement to
contain terrorism, fundamentalism and drug trafficking.
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