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Online edition of India's National Newspaper Sunday, May 27, 2001 |
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Looking for new friends
While publicly downplaying the China angle in India's diplomacy,
New Delhi is actively waving its flag in Southeast Asia, writes
Amit Baruah.
IS INDIA coy about using the ``C'' word? After having attracted
considerable flak for going public about China's ``threat'' to
India after the May 1998 nuclear tests, the Vajpayee Government
doesn't use the word China publicly. In a letter addressed to the
then U.S. President, Mr. Bill Clinton, after the nuclear tests,
India had referred to the threat from China. Embarrassingly
enough, Mr. Clinton, who later paid a much-trumpeted visit to
India, promptly released Mr. Vajpayee's letter to the press.
Of late, India has launched a major diplomatic initiative in
Southeast Asia. The Prime Minister, Mr. Atal Behari Vajpayee,
himself has visited Vietnam, Indonesia and Malaysia between
January and May this year, and more visits are planned in coming
months. Engagement at other levels, too, has been continuing. New
Delhi has been lobbying both ASEAN and individual South East
Asian nations for a separate ASEAN-India summit-level
interaction, a proposal on which the regional grouping is still
to decide.Remember, too, the launch of the Mekong-Ganga
Cooperation (MGC) at Vientiane, Laos, in November 2000 by India,
Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam, Thailand and Myanmar.
While not much has been heard about MGC since its launch, it does
reflect India's desire to play a greater role in South East Asia.
Interestingly, China was the only Mekong country which was left
out of this inter-river grouping.This exclusion did not go
unnoticed.
Myanmar, a country in which the strategic interests of India and
China seem to collide, has also been given priority in the
approach of the Vajpayee Government. High-level engagement with
the military junta is no longer taboo. In fact, it is being
encouraged.
There appears to be little doubt that the Vajpayee Government's
rediscovery of South East Asia stems from its self-perception of
being a ``major power'' after the nuclear tests of May 1998. Not
content with Pokhran-II, the BJP-led Government is redefining
India's relations with the rest of the world, especially the
United States.
The Vajpayee Government believes that India must play a ``greater
role'' outside its immediate neighbourhood. In the ASEAN Regional
Forum's Annual Security Outlook 2000, the Government argued:
``India's security concerns extend beyond the conventional
geographical definition of South Asia''. ``Given its size,
geographical location, trade links... India's security
environment ranges from the Persian Gulf to the Straits of
Malacca across the Indian Ocean, including the Central Asian
region in the North West, China in the North East and South East
Asia...``
Referring to Sino-Indian relations, the India section in the ARF
Outlook said that the border areas had remained largely peaceful.
``However, China's military modernisation - in particular nuclear
and missile, its support to Pakistan, growing defence links with
India's Bay of Bengal littoral neighbours, possible presence in
the Indian Ocean, upgradation of defence assets... and doubts
about the long-term stability of the region abutting India,
necessitate its consideration as an abiding security concern,''
the report said. This report, which is not for public
circulation, has chapters contributed by individual ARF nations
and makes India's security concerns crystal clear. There is no
ambiguity about what India perceives China to be doing.
However, for public consumption, senior representatives of the
Vajpayee Government say that India wants good relations with
China and even points to the security dialogue between the two
countries. ``It (the China factor) is central to our engagement
with several countries in South East Asia. But, if you ask the
Government, such a concern will be promptly denied,'' one Indian
official told this correspondent recently.
India's concerns have fitted in nicely with those expressed by
the Bush administration. The ''encounter`` between the External
Affairs Minister, Mr. Jaswant Singh, and Mr. George W. Bush at
the White House came in the midst of the spy plane incident
involving China. The new chemistry between India and the U.S. as
exemplified in the ''discussions`` on the NMD reveal a new
convergence between New Delhi and Washington on the need to
''contain`` Beijing.
While publicly downplaying the China angle in India's diplomacy,
New Delhi is actively waving its flag in South East Asia, a
region which China regards as crucial to its security.
From the current American point of view, China has been selected
as enemy number one for the foreseeable future. American security
''concerns`` are shifting to the Pacific and China is certainly
the focus of such ''concerns``. For many ASEAN countries, the
American presence in the region has been seen as a counterpoise
to this massive neighbour. Today, India believes that it can
offer a ''counter pole`` to Chinese influence.
However, India is no match for the Chinese economy and Beijing's
readiness to pump money into the region. After completing his
South Asia minus India visit, the Chinese Premier, Mr. Zhu
Rongji, visited Thailand. The Thai Defence Minister, Mr. Chavalit
Yongchaiyudh, was quoted as saying that China had agreed to
underwrite the construction of a $4 billion railway link between
Thailand and China. In the Mekong countries, too, China has and
remains willing to fund projects - a strategic strength that
India currently doesn't have. To take the case of Myanmar, China
has forged strategic links through investment and infrastructure
projects and only recently India has been able to make an entry
in the infrastructure area.
Whatever be the competitive aspects of the India-China
relationship, outstanding bilateral issues make it imperative
that New Delhi continue to engage Beijing to settle these
questions. India, while building new equations with the U.S. and
the rest of the world, must engage China meaningfully. Formal
dialogue cannot substitute for trust and understanding. It cannot
afford to look at China or South East Asia through an American
prism.
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