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State Elections
Poll outcome gives CPI(M) some hard lessons
By C. Gouridasan Nair
THIRUVANANTHAPURAM, MAY 25. Will the CPI(M) take a hard look at
itself in the light of the setback it has suffered in the
Assembly election? The party can trot up ever so many reasons for
its failure for public consumption, but can allow itself to be
carried away by these arguments only at a heavy cost. True, the
hardening of communal votes in favour of the UDF tricked it and
the LDF out of reckoning in the polls. True also that the slump
in farm prices added to the latent anti-Government mood of the
electorate. But is that all?
When the State CPI(M) leadership gets down to the business of
evaluating its poll performance at the State committee meeting on
May 27 and 28 and later places its findings for the consideration
of the party central committee which is scheduled to meet on May
31 and June 1, it would do well to be a bit more candid about its
present state of health and the reasons how it has come to be
seen as a party out of touch with the times.
It goes without saying that when evaluating the reasons for wins
and loss, care must be taken to separate the ephemeral from the
enduring. The problem with the CPI(M) in Kerala seems to be that
in its haste to find scapegoats for poll debacles, be in
individual constituencies or in the State as a whole, it fails to
separate the real from the imagined. Those holding the reins of
the party in Kerala may not find it palatable, but the fact of
the matter is that the organisational phalanx of the CPI(M) in
the State has developed serious defects. It is a weak party
organisation that went into the polls and the outcome is there
for all to see.
Despite the veil of secrecy that shrouded the entire party
organisation resulting in quiet witch-hunts and impositions from
above, the CPI(M) brand of internal democracy had its merits for
the party organisation. Fearless expression of opinion in party
committees, which was the hallmark of this sort of internal
democracy, is a thing of the past today thanks to the advent of
factionalism, bureaucratisation and resultant sycophancy. The
party began experimenting with democracy of the kind that other
political parties are familiar with by opting for open elections
at the local level. It did so knowing fully well that the new
practice would bring with it ills such as factionalism that have
come to dog social democratic parties. That was thought to be a
small price to be paid for democracy.
It was a welcome change. But the ills soon caught up with the
gains and overtook them and hardboiled Marxists now swear that
there is bureaucratisation and sycophancy and no democracy in the
party. When nobody dares to tell the truth, the party cannot but
go out of touch with the ground reality. The estimation of the
CPI(M) State secretariat that the LDF would secure between 75 to
85 seats after the May 10 polling is attributed to this grave
shortcoming.
The party's inability to convince the people about the real
reasons for the fall in the prices of farm produces also seems to
have had a lot to do with the same failing. Due to its inability
to mobilise class and mass organisations in major struggles on
the question of import liberalization and its impact on farm
prices, the party failed to demarcate the roles of the State and
Central Governments in the tragedy on the farm front and,
naturally, the people placed the entire blame for the crisis at
the door of the visible authority, the State Government.
A close look at the CPI(M)s campaign effort would show that the
mass organisations did not also participate in the poll effort
with the same gusto as in the past and in many places persons who
could mobilise public opinion in favour of the party were either
lukewarm to the entire exercise or altogether silent. The CPI(M)
district committees have completed their review of the poll
results and only the State committees review remains to be taken
up now. The party can either go in for convenient answers to the
questions thrown up by the poll outcome or for another round of
witch-hunt, but neither would benefit it in the long run.
While it might be convenient with a certain amount of truth in it
to think that transfer of votes by the RSS to the UDF did the LDF
in, the party would do well to study how the different
communities got alienated from it. The case of the Ezhava
community is particularly relevant here. The leadership of the
community may have been pro-Congress, but a large section of the
community has all along been supportive of the CPI(M) and the
Left. What should worry the party is the way the ordinary Ezhava,
including many cadres and sympathisers of the CPI(M), voted
against it. When the SNDP Yogam general secretary, Mr.
Vellappally Natesan, takes credit for the LDFs rout, there is a
fair amount of truth in it.
Through several circulars to the local SNDP Yogam leaders, many
of who are again CPI(M) cadres or sympathisers, Mr. Natesan sent
across the message that the CPI(M) and LDF had discriminated
against the community. For instance, he told them how the CPI(M)
and the LDF Government swung into action to settle the SFI-
sponsored strike over allegations of sexual exploitation of a
student by a priest at the Nirmalagiri College in north Kerala
and how nobody in the CPI(M) was willing to even lift the little
finger when the SFI-sponsored strike at the S.N. College, Kollam,
dragged on for weeks.
He had several other grouses to share with them, including those
relating to sanctioning of Plus Two courses and professional
colleges and all these were sufficient to turn the community in
general against the CPI(M) and the LDF. If the CPI(M) cadres
belonging to these communities also got carried away by such
arguments, it could only be due to the business-like relations
they now have with the party. Communal considerations have always
been present in the party's electoral calculations. But, this
time round, communal organisations appear to have taken it by
surprise by claiming their cadres for themselves.
The alienation of the Muslim vote also must present a serious
challenge for the party. The CPI(M) and the LDF could not fare
well in north Kerala, despite its alliance with the Indian
National League (INL), mainly because of the heavy erosion in
Muslim votes. Even in a constituency like Thalassery, the
CPI(M)'s margin of victory has fallen from 18,350 votes in 1996
to 7,043 votes this time and the message cannot be lost on the
CPI(M) leadership.
While the Nadapuram incidents did certainly play a role in the
poll outcome, the Muslim masses appear to have had the feeling
that Mr. V.S. Achuthanandan, whom the party had put forth as its
Chief Minister candidate, is anti-Muslim. If it were so, it could
have been the result of both the Nadapuram violence and Mr.
Achuthanandans strident opposition to any tie-up with communal
parties. How the CPI(M) resolves this issue would depend on how
it cracks the question as to what attitude it should take towards
parties such as the Muslim League and INL and for what reasons.
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