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International
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U.S. seeks to reassure allies on NMD
By Sridhar Krishnaswami
WASHINGTON, MAY 3. Even as senior officials start to fan out to
capitals in Europe and the Asia-Pacific next week, the Bush
administration is under no illusions of what is in store by way
of reactions from ``friends and allies''. From Europe to Asia,
allies have reacted in highly muted terms and there has been no
ringing endorsement of the President, Mr. George W. Bush's new
strategic thinking or emerging framework.
In fact, some of key allies of the United States in Asia such as
Japan has said that it would want to know more of the National
Missile Defence system; and one perception here is that Tokyo may
even press Washington for a rethinking on the subject. Japan, for
its part, is under no false pretensions of what is in store
should it throw its weight behind the proposals of Mr. Bush.
Prior to his speech at the National Defence Academy, the
President made a round of telephone calls to world leaders that
included the new Japanese Prime Minister. And on Wednesday, the
Secretary of State, Gen. Colin Powell, had a call from the
Japanese Foreign Minister, Ms Makiko Tanaka; but the word from
Tokyo is that the two did not discuss the proposals of Mr. Bush.
The Deputy Secretary of State, Mr. Richard Armitage, is due to
travel to Japan next week for two days which will be followed by
a two-day trip to South Korea. The Assistant Secretary of State
for East Asia Pacific, Mr. James Kelley, is due to join Mr.
Armitage in Japan and South Korea before he goes to Australia and
Singapore. Significantly, the State Department is saying that Mr.
Kelly ``may'' travel to China.
The lack of euphoria on the part of key allies in Europe and Asia
does not mean that the Bush administration will be coming away
empty after its sessions. For the record, both the White House
and the State Department are saying that senior officials are
travelling to different capitals not to inform but to discuss.
But there are deep doubts on the extent to which the Republican
administration would be willing to compromise on the NMD. For
now, allies are focussed on the NMD and are relieved that the
American President did not formally walk away from the 1972 Anti-
Ballistic Missile treaty on Tuesday. But the President and his
senior officials have made no bones of the fact that the 1972
arrangement is ``ancient history''; and that Washington is
willing to work with Moscow to come to new arrangements.
That said, there is the resignation in non-official circles that
the Bush administration will get away with the National Missile
Defence system in one fashion or another. American allies will
come to accept the same giving their own interpretations so as to
stay clear of criticism from either Russia or China. Europe is
bound to be concerned over the Russian reaction as much as the
Japanese dread further getting on the wrong side of China.
Washington is aware of the fact that Tokyo may not be on board
with the National Missile Defence System, but is a party to a
joint study on the Theatre Missile Defence system that is aimed
to protect American troops in Asia and that of its allies. Here
again, Tokyo faces the stiff opposition of China which sees any
missile defence as extending to Taiwan and, therefore, upsetting
the present arrangements, political and strategic.
Reluctantly thrust into the spotlight in the Asia Pacific at the
onset of a Republican administration which wanted to pursue a
gung-ho policy towards Beijing, Tokyo soon found itself in the
midst of other ``problems'' with China - American surveillance
planes taking off from bases in Japan to spy off the coast of
China; a Japanese visa granted to the former President of Taiwan,
Mr. Lee Teng-hui, even if for medical reasons; and the recurring
history text book controversy.
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