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U.S. seeks to reassure allies on NMD

By Sridhar Krishnaswami

WASHINGTON, MAY 3. Even as senior officials start to fan out to capitals in Europe and the Asia-Pacific next week, the Bush administration is under no illusions of what is in store by way of reactions from ``friends and allies''. From Europe to Asia, allies have reacted in highly muted terms and there has been no ringing endorsement of the President, Mr. George W. Bush's new strategic thinking or emerging framework.

In fact, some of key allies of the United States in Asia such as Japan has said that it would want to know more of the National Missile Defence system; and one perception here is that Tokyo may even press Washington for a rethinking on the subject. Japan, for its part, is under no false pretensions of what is in store should it throw its weight behind the proposals of Mr. Bush.

Prior to his speech at the National Defence Academy, the President made a round of telephone calls to world leaders that included the new Japanese Prime Minister. And on Wednesday, the Secretary of State, Gen. Colin Powell, had a call from the Japanese Foreign Minister, Ms Makiko Tanaka; but the word from Tokyo is that the two did not discuss the proposals of Mr. Bush.

The Deputy Secretary of State, Mr. Richard Armitage, is due to travel to Japan next week for two days which will be followed by a two-day trip to South Korea. The Assistant Secretary of State for East Asia Pacific, Mr. James Kelley, is due to join Mr. Armitage in Japan and South Korea before he goes to Australia and Singapore. Significantly, the State Department is saying that Mr. Kelly ``may'' travel to China.

The lack of euphoria on the part of key allies in Europe and Asia does not mean that the Bush administration will be coming away empty after its sessions. For the record, both the White House and the State Department are saying that senior officials are travelling to different capitals not to inform but to discuss.

But there are deep doubts on the extent to which the Republican administration would be willing to compromise on the NMD. For now, allies are focussed on the NMD and are relieved that the American President did not formally walk away from the 1972 Anti- Ballistic Missile treaty on Tuesday. But the President and his senior officials have made no bones of the fact that the 1972 arrangement is ``ancient history''; and that Washington is willing to work with Moscow to come to new arrangements.

That said, there is the resignation in non-official circles that the Bush administration will get away with the National Missile Defence system in one fashion or another. American allies will come to accept the same giving their own interpretations so as to stay clear of criticism from either Russia or China. Europe is bound to be concerned over the Russian reaction as much as the Japanese dread further getting on the wrong side of China.

Washington is aware of the fact that Tokyo may not be on board with the National Missile Defence System, but is a party to a joint study on the Theatre Missile Defence system that is aimed to protect American troops in Asia and that of its allies. Here again, Tokyo faces the stiff opposition of China which sees any missile defence as extending to Taiwan and, therefore, upsetting the present arrangements, political and strategic.

Reluctantly thrust into the spotlight in the Asia Pacific at the onset of a Republican administration which wanted to pursue a gung-ho policy towards Beijing, Tokyo soon found itself in the midst of other ``problems'' with China - American surveillance planes taking off from bases in Japan to spy off the coast of China; a Japanese visa granted to the former President of Taiwan, Mr. Lee Teng-hui, even if for medical reasons; and the recurring history text book controversy.

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