The third force alternative

By Muchkund Dubey

THE THIRD force in Indian politics, by definition, is the political coalition that offers an alternative to the two major political parties - the Congress(I) and the BJP. In essence it has to be the coalition of Left, secular and democratic forces in Indian politics. It has also to lean heavily on regional parties. The third force rejects the Congress(I) because of the way it has compromised secularism, its pronounced lurch towards neo- classical economic policies, its dynastical tradition and its image as a party symbolising corruption. The third Force has to be strongly opposed to the BJP because of its communal origin and character and its proclivity to resort to fascist means to impose its Hindu majoritarian view.

However, in spite of its basic rationale of being an alternative to the Congress(I) and the BJP, the third force need not be seen as a mere negation of these two political formations. It has a positive ideology of its own and hence a distinct space in the Indian political spectrum. The third force ideology was best delineated in a publication ``Towards a New Politics: Agenda for Third Force'' (New Age Publishers, 1996). This agenda would, of course, require adjustments in view of the recent changes. However, its basic tenets and principal components remain valid.

The core elements of the agenda are: No compromise with forces of communalism and the launching of a proactive programme for the progressive secularisation of the Indian society. Consciously working for the welfare and empowerment of the minorities and the marginalised sections - Dalits, tribals, other backward classes and women. Offering a clear-cut alternative to the policy of unbridled and indiscriminate liberalisation and globalisation; among others, pursuit of a employment-oriented and people-centred development strategy. Correcting the tilt of Indian politics towards centralisation by radical devolution of power to the States and to institutions at the grassroot level. No compromise with forces of corruption and crime and providing a clean government that works and delivers what it promises.There have been two occasions when a third force Government was in power at the Centre, first the National Front Government in 1989 and second, the United Front Government in 1996-1998. Both these Governments had to seek the support of one or the other of the two major political formations. This could not but dilute the ideological character of the third force. At the same time, it lent pronounced instability to these Governments as their survival depended on the continuing support of these major formations.

With the exception of the signing of the Agreement with Bangladesh on the sharing of Ganga waters, the second third force Government did not do anything which would mark it out as a Government with a difference. It devoted most of its tenure to ensuring its survival. In most respects, it continued the policy of the previous Government. It not only continued the policy of liberalisation but also fine-tuned it and took several steps to impart it further momentum. It resorted to worst forms of profligacy. Some of its constituents openly aligned themselves with criminal elements. Far from setting personal examples of austerity and renunciation, its leaders led an opulent lifestyle.

Some political leaders who had in the past led or supported third force Governments are attempting to revive the third force. Some of them have started movements around the themes of the adverse effects of liberalisation and globalisation, impact of the WTO Agreement on Agriculture on Indian farmers, displacement of those living in urban slums and the problems created by the relocation of the polluting industrial units outside urban centres. These essentially single-point issues are designed to serve as an entry point for launching a full-fledged political movement for reviving the third force. These movements are unlikely to become a basis for reviving the third force. Economic reforms by themselves have not very much influenced the outcome of elections in India recently. In spite of the turnaround in the economy brought about by the economic reforms during the Congress(I) rule in 1991-1996, that party has gone on losing ground starting from the 1996 elections. Similarly the CPI(M) and the CPI which made opposition to liberalisation a principal plank of their political platforms have also lost some ground. Besides, the single-point issues affect different sections of the population differently. Further, it is believed that these leaders themselves would not be able to adhere to these platforms once they ascend to power. Therefore, the movements launched around them are seen as opportunistic. It will be irresponsible for any Government in power to renounce the WTO Agreement on Agriculture or not to implement the verdict of a WTO adjudication panel to eliminate quantitative restrictions within a timebound framework. No responsible state can ordinarily renege on international agreements to which it is a party. The best it can do is to seek improvements in them within the framework of the prescribed procedure.

The prospects for reviving the third force do not appear to be promising. In the context of the upcoming Assembly elections, the CPI(M) and the CPI, which have publicly announced their intention to revive the third force, have already put it on the backburner in their desperate bid to retain political influence in the States going to the polls. Moreover, we see the repetition of opportunistic and shifting alliances. Ideology becomes the first casualty in this process. The overriding objective is to ensure political survival. Alliances are, therefore, made with a particular party in some States and against the same party in other States. Alliances are made with political parties and leaders steeped in corruption and deeply involved in criminal activities. Such alliances are often called secular alliances. But this is a mere slogan. For, can a political leader or his party be trusted to practice the value of secularism when he is seen to be habitually violating all other basic values or norms of social behaviour?

Though there is no prospect for an early revival of the third force, there are compelling reasons why the idea will survive in the forseeable future. This is mainly because neither the Congress(I) nor the BJP can emerge as a political party with an absolute majority in Parliament. Even though the BJP sometimes projects a liberal non-communal image and it has, by virtue of this and other factors, somewhat succeeded in widening the base of its political support, it remains fixated in the public mind as a Hindu party. If the BJP really changes its face to lure away minority, Dalit, tribal and OBC vote banks, there is a danger of its losing its huge votebank of believers in the Hindutva ideology which has expanded phenomenonly in recent years. Thus, there is a self-operating limit on the extent to which the BJP can expand its support base. The Congress(I) has long ceased to be a party of consensus combining in it all the mainstreams of Indian politics and like the BJP it remains severely compromised on some of the burning issues in the country such as secularism and corruption.

Even though a strong genuine third force is unlikely to emerge in the near future mainly because of the evils that have come to afflict all political parties in India, the third force must be kept alive as an ideology, as a mirror for all political parties to enable them and the people at large to see their true face, and as a reminder of the direction in which the Indian economy and polity should move. There is also the need for a ginger group which keeps on working on the ideology of the third force and mobilising support for it. For all one knows the third force may once again come into the reckoning on the Indian political scene, once, on account of the continuing crises of the Indian polity and economy, things start sharply deteriorating - when the unity of the nation is jeopardised, the economy starts stagnating and the current disregard for law and order and resort to violence assumes endemic proportions.

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