Balancing national priorities

OF LATE, a strange phenomenon can be seen on TV. Perhaps this columnist is not alone in noticing how old poetic metaphors seem to be emerging as scientists discuss the Gujarat quake with the anchors.

Listening to geologists and seismologists speak of unseen plates separating the continent and age-old fault lines simmering beneath the surface, one remembers the medieval saint-poet Gorakhnath. "The earth," the sage said, "is like a wall of sand resting upon pillars of air, and riches and youth are but the shadows of a cloud. Still the innocent among us go on believing that we are invulnerable. I, 'Gorakh', am surprised at their surprise when they discover that they are not."

Like sages and poets, seismologists, when they want to know the future, invariably look to the mysteries of the past: the forces operating underneath terra firma, that drive the continental drift and make mountains rise out of seas; bury old cities and cause earthquakes from Japan to San Francisco. One cannot predict when the earth will be rocked or where, but what one does know is that the area that rests along fault-lines will be perennially vulnerable.

Strangely enough, despite the post-Huntingdon talk about "cultural fault lines", no political theorist has thought of mapping the fault lines in India's geopolictical terrain. No effective blueprint for management and governance can be prepared without first understanding the subterranean socio-cultural plates that lie beneath this geopolictical mass, for they have been causing governments to fall and new ones to rise, in State after State, nation after nation.

Failure in disaster management in Gujarat and Orissa originated not so much from the magnitude and suddenness of the disaster, as from the network of several deep faults that separates Bharat from India, the central parties from State politics, and a globalised economy from the politically fragmented machinery of the Centre. Fault-lines such as these are not new. They became palpable soon after India became free and will survive the quake.

As always, in moments of crisis, reports suggest that the initial paralysis of Gujarat's official machinery was due to its inability to think or act on its own, without "orders from above." And the "above", as we all known by now, was busy with bandobast for Republic Day. This period of inactivity was followed by the weekend, during which the "above" in India rests god-like and is unavailable for activities, other than leisurely ones. If Delhi was somnolent, why could not the State Government have taken things in hand, and started with the urgent task of rescue and relief?

One listened carefully to the Chief Minister, the Home Minister and the top bureaucrats list their reasons. Their desperation was both moving and depressing. As they spoke of the huge loss of life and property and the suddenness of the tragedy, they seemed like little boys, afraid to risk offending Delhi, but also ashamed of their utter dependence. It was not only a question of money they knew, but of an inability to move or think without sanctions from above.

The blame is not entirely theirs. The prevailing view at the Centre too, (fostered by political leaders of all hues) for the last 50 years has been, that Delhi is mai-baap, and is capable of strategising for any exigency involving its citizens, without resorting to military authoritarianism or international aid. But to those who have seen how the cultural fault-lines operate in Delhi, the sight of the jawans, foreign doctors and representatives of aid-agencies was not surprising. Whenever disaster strikes and the ground begins to heave and shift, the State is glad to have complex rescue operations handled by the armed forces and international agencies.

As reactions from political allies and the Opposition began to roll in, one realised how volatile are the fault lines that separate the Bharatiya Janata Party not only from Congress (I), but also from its own coalition partners. Snide remarks were made about Gujarat's non-resident Indian clout and omnious grumbling arose within the National Democratic Alliance about a harsh budget and the tax-surcharge levied to meet the exigencies of quake-relief in BJP-ruled Gujarat.

The reactions from Pakistan were no less revealing. First, it sent plane loads of relief material and its Chief Executive Officer called up the Prime Minister to commiserate. Then its own local fault lines began to work. When that happened, the CEO said that he had not called India, but vice versa. He spoke of India's evil plans of denying azaadi to Kashmiris and how Pakistan was prepared for war. And we were back to square one. Obviously there are deeper forces rooted in the structure of our geopolictical and coalitional politics that will always be in the way.

Of what use is such wisdom? Can we use it to create better crisis management strategies? The answer is, yes. Geologists say that, before we consider old fault lines stable, we should check the underlying tectonics well. And architects point out that there is a need to incorporate quake-resistance in building-activity and get authorities to enforce guidelines laid down by specialists. Politicians would do well to listen to them.

The essence of coalitional politics is wisdom that creates elasticity and balances national priorities. It is time the Centre and State, realised this. You do not prepare for future earthquakes by importing waterproof tents and buying unbreakable crockery. You must worry about quake-proofing the walls, the roof and the foundation. They are the ones that protect, and the ones that can kill.

MRINAL PANDE

The author writes in Hindi and English and is a freelance journalist.

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