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Online edition of India's National Newspaper Wednesday, January 24, 2001 |
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The missile squadrons
By C. V. Gopalakrishnan
THE SIGNIFICANCE of the test-firing of the Intermediate Range
Ballistic Missile (IRBM) Agni-II arises from its proposed
induction into the country's defence arsenal to make it available
for deployment like any other weapon of war. This distinguishes
it from the missiles which had been test-fired earlier - the
Akash, Trishul, the earlier Agni-I, the Prithvi - all of which
were developed as ``technology demonstrators'' and intended to
achieve a perfection to the skills built up for the design,
development and production of missiles. Such technology
demonstration was aimed at filling the country's defence
scientists, engineers and technicians with a sense of confidence
that they could take up the mass production of the missiles if
the need arose. The Government's announcement that the Agni-II
would be inducted into the defence arsenal takes the project a
step forward.
If Agni-II could cover 2000 km in 648 seconds during which it
could pick out its targets in the Bay of Bengal, it would raise
questions about the missions which would be designed for it. Its
elegant streamlining, to give it a very high velocity, could give
only glimpses of the stupendous engineering which would have gone
into giving it the capability for hitting its target 2000 km away
with precision. Not to mention the miniaturisation which would
have been required to ensure that the conventional warhead fitted
to the nose of the missile would meet the demand to zero in on
and destroy the target. The Agni missile has come a long way from
the drawing board to its test-firing. The secrets of the missile
arsenals which the developed countries have built up could not
have for long been kept guarded from being prised open by
scientists, engineers and technologists around the world. The
graduation of the missiles from carriers of conventional to
nuclear warheads should have made the stockpiles of the developed
countries far more deadly.
India's Integrated Missile Development Programme undertaken by
the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) had
taken up the development of only non-nuclear missile systems -
Prithvi, Trishul, Akash and Agni. All these progammes have been
successfully completed to ensure their induction into the armed
forces. The pressure on India to indigenise design and
manufacture of the components for the missiles had become quite
intense in view of the U.S. having tightened restrictions on
their export. The restrictions should have delayed the progress
of the Agni, the Prithvi, the Satellite Launch Vehicle-3 (SLV-3)
the Augmented Satellite Launch Vehicle, the Polar Satellite
Launch Vehicle and the Geostationary Satellite Launch Vehicle,
inspite of the fact that the PSLV and the GSLV have no military
applications to justify them.
Exports were prohibited if the U.S. Commerce Department, which is
empowered to implement the President's Enhanced Proliferation
Control Initiative (EPCI), suspected that the components would be
used for the production of chemical and biological weapons. The
sense of insecurity arising from its fears over other countries
developing their missile strike capability could be readily seen
from the U.S. going ahead with its own missile development and
production programme under its Theatre High Altitude Area Defence
(THAAD) for making advanced space sensors such as ``Brilliant
Eyes'' which can significantly enhance the coverage of both
``lower and upper theatre defences'' and help ground-based
interceptors ``provide full coverage of the continental United
States'', according to an official statement made earlier by an
acting Director of the U.S. Strategic Defence Initiative
Organisation. A great deal of the destructive potential of
conventional missile warheads had been discovered with their use
during Operation Desert Storm against Iraq in 1990, the Falklands
conflict (1980) and the Yom Kippur War (1973) and this led to the
development of a later generation of cruise missiles, TV and
laser-guided and anti-radiation missiles equipped with advanced
sensors for increasing their lethal power.
The non-nuclear missile systems which are now in place and ready
for development during a perceived emergency are themselves
highly destructive. The further induction of missiles equipped
with nuclear warheads by the nuclear weapon states is the biggest
menace which the world is now living with since even an
accidental detonation could bring about a global inferno which
even a thousand Hiroshimas could not match. Grave doubts over the
safety of simply maintaining squadrons of aircraft such as the
U.S.' B-52s and FB-111s, which are nuclear weapon carriers, and
nuclear missile armoury and fears of accidental triggering of the
weapons have repeatedly been raised. The end of the Cold War has
left unsolved the problems thrown up by the missile stockpiles.
The seriousness of the accidental going off of nuclear missiles
and weapons had come to light from reports - there is in all
probability a greater number of unreported incidents - of
potential disasters which had been luckily averted. There was a
collision at sea between a U.S. aircraft carrier, the uss Kitty
Hawk, and a Soviet nuclear-powered submarine way back in March
1984 though this did not result in any catastrophe. There were a
number of other such scrapes. The task of defusing the stockpile
of nuclear warheads remains very much unattended to - since even
if the nuclear weapon states muster the will to get down to it,
the dismantling itself presumably calls for technology which may
not be readily available or is yet to be perfected.
According to an earlier estimate, there were over 60,000 nuclear
warheads in Europe and the U.S. awaiting defusing and
destruction. The status of over 3,000 warheads in Ukraine,
Kazakhstan and Belarus which have seceded from the erstwhile
Soviet Union is yet to be determined since it is not known
whether these states accept obligations which the former USSR had
agreed to under START-I and START-II with the U.S.
A persisting disaster potential resulting from nuclear weapons
and missiles awaiting dismantling is the radioactive
contamination of facilities and the exposure of populated areas
to the same. The volume of Russian liquid missile propellants
packed in the missiles is also very high amounting to more than
100,000 tonnes which are to be destroyed under the START
agreements. The storage cost of these propellants is itself very
heavy and and had been estimated at over $50 millions. Their
destruction, assuming that it could be safely completed, has been
estimated to cost $15 millions. The costs for the defanging of
the U.S. non-nuclear and nuclear missile are even higher.
According to an estimate made by the U.S. Department of Energy,
the cost of decontaminating warhead production sites was as high
as $60 billions and it was placed even higher at $155 milllions
by the U.S. Office of Technology Assessment. No immediate results
could be expected since the cleaning up of the contaminated
earth, waterways and the buildings requistioned for missile
production, nuclear and non-nuclear, would itself take as long as
thirty years and the cost might actually go up to $ 300 billions.
The enormous and crazy extravagance of the building of non-
nuclear and nuclear missile stockpiles has been projected in all
its starkness by a study of how much even a much smaller part of
the billions of dollars could have made Earth a happier planet
had they been spent on the following programmes: reforesting the
earth: $2 billions (cost of a nuclear submarine); providing safe
water to all: $5 billions (cost of a few nuclear bombs); rollback
of deserts: $2 billions (cost of a dozen nuclear tests);
protection of the ozone layer: $1 billion; reduction of air
pollution: $5 billion (cost of six stealth bombers);
stabilisation of population: $6 billions; cleaning up hazardous
wastes: $10 billions.
The fractional cost of these programmes for the implementation of
which Planet Earth endangered by weapon programmes, non-nuclear
and nuclear, is crying out bares the prodigal criminality of the
nuclear weapon states.
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