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Dangerous experiments
By Brinda Karat
THE PRIME Minister, Mr. A. B. Vajpayee's justification of the
demolition of the Babri Masjid as an act reflective of national
sentiment and an ``unfinished task'' could not have come at a
worse time for the citizens of Gujarat, laboratory of the Sangh
Parivar. Mr. Vajpayee has provided the vandals who are building
temples on the ruins of demolished churches an alibi to continue
their destructive work.
Along with coercive methods for reconversion to Hinduism of which
there are several instances, the BJP Government in Gujarat in a
perverse interpretation of the law is using provisions for
protection of Adivasi land under Schedule V of the Constitution
as an instrument to demolish churches built in tribal areas. Thus
Christian Adivasis who have built churches on their land are
being told that this is against Schedule V, because according to
this interpretation the church represents ``outsiders'' who have
no right to tribal land. Logically, the Government should also
then deny permission to build temples on Adivasi land. But this
is far from the case. In Chhindia village itself, where the
demolition of a church led to a hunger strike by Bishop Sargunam,
a statue of Hanuman was installed where the cross had been. In
another case in Halmudi village a temple is being constructed
whereas the police did not allow a church to be built. When these
double standards were questioned the answer was that the
Christians had no objection to building the temple! Presumably
the ``Hindus'' had objected, so a church could not be
constructed. ``Consent'' becomes the motif to manipulate the
application of Schedule V. In other words, in the name of land
protection, the right to worship is under attack, unless of
course the gods to be worshipped have no objection certificates
from the Sangh Parivar.
It is ironic that Schedule V should be used by the BJP Government
in Gujarat for this purpose. The same ruling party at the Centre
is currently in the process of attacking tribal rights to land by
amending Schedule V specifically for the benefit of big Indian
and foreign mining companies. They are to be given the right for
leasing tribal land in the name of development.
What is happening in Gujarat is a withdrawal of the processes of
justice by the Government, the administration and the law
enforcement agencies to minority communities. There have been
about 300 reported cases of assaults on the Christian community
in the last two years apart from the attacks on Muslims. In a
large number of cases, first information reports have been filed
only because of the directions of the courts on appeals made by
the victims and their representatives through public interest
litigation. There are over 15 such cases involving 160 incidents
of assaults before the courts at present. A perusal of the case
papers shows that in its affidavits the Government has admitted
the culpability of the VHP and the Bajrang Dal, yet their actions
go on unchecked.
There are other dimensions to the experiments of the Sangh
Parivar which have been documented by activists and research
organisations in Gujarat. Recently, a memorandum was presented to
the Governor of Gujarat with some of the details by several
women's organisations. This was in the context of a women's unity
march in Ahmedabad sponsored by the All India Democratic Women's
Association which had attracted thousands of women of all
communities in a unique display of solidarity against the
communally divisive policies of the Sangh Parivar. In a week-long
campaign preceding the march, women across the State had in
numerous meetings related their experiences.
One such dimension is the huge amount of hate literature which is
in constant circulation. One of the pamphlets brought out in the
form of an Amar Chitra Katha-type comic page depicts the sorry
state of a Hindu woman ``abducted'' by a Muslim. This pamphlet
was first published during the VHP-inspired violence against the
Muslim community in an area of Surat after the marriage of two
young Hindu women with Muslim men early last year. It will be
recalled that the men were accused of abduction in spite of the
statements given by the women that they had married out of their
own choice. Since then, the so-called honour of Hindu women has
been a key theme in hate propaganda. In the latest version
brought out to observe the 75th birthday of the VHP leader, Mr.
Ashok Singhal, vituperative and abusive charges are made against
Muslims. The most outrageous charge is that every year five lakh
Hindu women are abducted and forcibly married by Muslim men.
There is not a shred of evidence for such a charge. It is not
reflected in the figures put out about crimes against women
either by the State or Central Governments. Yet these
organisations can get away with such blatant lies with no
criminal cases registered against them. On the contrary, when the
women's delegation gave a copy of the pamphlet to the Governor,
Mr. S. S. Bhandari, he wondered aloud whether it was actually
printed by the VHP. Perhaps his doubts on this score had
something to do with the fact that he retains his membership of
the RSS.
To bring communal overtones to gender violence is to protect the
real perpetrators of violence. The VHP and the Bajrang Dal
concoct figures of crimes against women to cause hatred against
minority communities even while ignoring the real increase in
crimes against women registered by the Government. About 1.3 lakh
crimes were registered in a single year against women ranging
from dowry deaths to child rape. But these organisations have not
a word to say about this since it does not fit in with their
plans of demonising minority communities. False accusations of
abductions made by the VHP also impact on the security of
minority women as it incites ``revenge'' crimes against them.
Another ``experiment'' backed by the Gujarat Government is to
impose cultural practices associated with upper caste Hindus on
other communities towards the creation of a homogenous Hindu
culture. For example, the Government of Gujarat has made
budgetary provisions for distributing free mangalsutras to Dalit
women. Dalits traditionally have never used the mangalsutra as a
marriage symbol. Dalit women have their own priorities and
demands for livelihood issues. Yet the Government ignores those
issues and spends money to popularise an upper caste symbol. The
scheme is questionable on other grounds also. Can any Government
use public money to promote symbols of one particular caste or
religion. What about Dalit Christians? If mangalsutras are to be
distributed then logically symbols of marriage of other
communities should also be distributed. Then again what about
women who choose to remain single? Why should they be deprived of
the financial subsidy? Is this not another way of reinforcing the
patriarchal notion that for women, marriage is the only
``choice''?
Another example is among Adivasi communities. Adivasi festivals
are downgraded and their observance discouraged. While in Adivasi
areas school and work holidays are declared for all Hindu
festivals, on the days of Adivasi festivals there are no holidays
and so it become difficult for the community to observe their own
festivals. There is an official attempt to replace the word
Adivasi with ``vanvasi''. In some areas when Adivasis want to get
Scheduled Tribe certificates they are asked to fill in the word
``vanvasi'' on the forms. This is not a semantic difference but a
clear attempt to promote the Aryan-centric view of history in
which Aryans are considered the original inhabitants and another
way to bulldoze Adivasi identities and cultures.
Clearly what is under attack in Gujarat just as it was in Ayodhya
is the very basis of the Constitution. The people of Gujarat in
recent local elections have expressed their discontent and anger
against the BJP-led Government in no uncertain terms. To take
this protest beyond elections, to guarantees for the protection
of the fundamental rights of all citizens of Gujarat, in
particular the rights of minority communities, is surely the most
urgent ``unfinished task'' not just for Gujarat but the nation.
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