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Productivity growth and IT in advanced economies
RAPID ECONOMIC growth in the U.S. over the past five years and
the accompanying sharp increase in productivity growth have
caused many observers to suggest that fundamental changes are
underway in the U.S. economy.
Recent evidence suggests that the pickup in productivity growth
in the second half of the 1990s has been led by rapid advances in
the information technology (IT) sector and the application of
these technologies in other areas of the economy. This
possibility of a ``new economy has sparked considerable interest
in the U.S. and also in other faster-growing advanced economies,
some of which have shown a similar pickup in productivity growth.
(Definitions of the new economy are not precise, but typically
include one or more of the following characteristics: (1) a
higher rate of productivity growth related to investment in IT,
(2) a rise in total factor productivity growth due to IT
utilisation across the economy and resulting spillover effects;
(3) an increase in factor utilisation - for example, a decline in
the non-accelerating inflation rate of unemployment).
However, a number of uncertainties remain, in particular whether
these recent improvements in performance will spread to other
economies that have yet to show new economy phenomena, and how
sustainable they ultimately will prove to be.
The `New Economy' in the U.S.
The rapid pace of U.S. output growth in the second half of the
1990s was made possible - as in many other countries - by both
rising labour utilisation and accelerating labour productivity.
Expanding employment added approximately 1.75 percentage points
to growth over the period, with this rise reflecting both an
increasing labour force (1.25 per cent a year) and a decline in
the unemployment rate from 6 per cent in 1994 to nearly 4 per
cent by early 1999.
Productivity growth in the non-farm business sector jumped to 2.5
per cent a year, compared with a relatively stable rate of 1.5
per cent a year during 1973-95. As the rise in productivity
growth is relatively recent, and given the empirical difficulties
in identifying the causes and nature of productivity shocks, most
analysts have been reluctant to conclude that there had been a
change in trend, despite speculation that advances in IT may have
played a role. However, this is starting to change as supporting
evidence accumulates.
A rise in productivity growth can be linked to computers and
information technology through three channels:
Direct productivity gains in industries that produce information
technology goods add to economy-wide productivity. These gains
have driven computer and related equipment prices down,
especially on a quality adjusted basis.
Capital deepening increases the capital-labour ratio and
therefore labour productivity through investment. Investment in
information technologies has been strong, reflecting falling
computer prices and new ways technology can help accomplish old
tasks with fewer inputs. Spillover effects occur when returns to
an investment increase because others makesimilar investments.
Some positive effect is plausible with IT investment - for
example, the returns to an Internet-capable computer rise as more
consumers and businesses connect to the Internet.
An assessment of IT's impact on productivity growth is
complicated by serious statistical problems. First, output and
investment data for the IT sector are not readily available on a
timely basis for many countries (the U.S. being a key exception),
and therefore provide little information on technology's
contribution to the recent increases in aggregate productivity.
Second, real output in the IT sector may be mismeasured, or at
least measured inconsistently across countries. The U.S, Canada,
and Japan are among the countries that adjust IT equipment price
index data for quality improvements - for example, to account for
a personal computer today being more powerful than last year's
model that sold for the same price or more.
To the extent that these new capabilities are incorporated in
basic models and are not always fully used by consumers, however,
price declines and real output increases would be overstated.
Other countries (such as Germany and Italy) do not make this type
of adjustment, and therefore data may understate output gains.
Third, estimates of the capital services provided by IT equipment
are subject to wide uncertainty because rapid technological
progress itself makes it difficult to determine economic
depreciation and useful service lives.
Finally, the areas where output is likely to have the biggest
impact - service industries - are those where output and
productivity are the least well measured in the national
accounts.
These problems notwithstanding, several new studies have
concluded that IT accounted for about 0.5 to 0.75 percentage
point of the estimated one percentage point rise in U.S.
productivity growth in the second half of the 1990s.
Of this, investment in IT equipment (capital deepening) produced
up to a 0.5 percentage point increase in productivity growth.
There is a wider range of reported spillover effects, probably
because these cannot be measured directly and are approximated in
the studies by total factor productivity (TFP) calculations.
For the total economy, TFP is estimated to have contributed
between 0.25 and 1 percentage point to the increase in
productivity growth. Of this, TFP growth in the IT sector itself
contributed up to 0.5 percentage point, while TFP in all other
sectors added up to 0.75 percentage point to the increase in
productivity growth.
Will productivity growth remain high ?
There are no clear answers. Over the next few years, it is likely
that the recent higher rates of productivity growth will persist
as businesses adapt to new technologies such as the Internet.
Productivity growth would come through further investment and
capital deepening or spillover effects, for example as workers
and managers become increasingly familiar with the new
technologies. There are risks, however, that productivity growth
could slow in the near term.
One set of risks is captured in the harder landing scenario in
which greater than expected inflation pressures, tighter monetary
policies, and a re-evaluation of economic prospects by financial
markets cause the U.S. economy to slow. Weaker investment growth
in this scenario would slow capital deepening and thus
productivity growth. Another possibility is that some part of the
recent pickup in productivity growth is cyclical, as noted above.
Even though such an acceleration in productivity is not typical
in a mature expansion, it is possible that firms have met an
uptick in demand by intensifying resource use beyond normal,
sustainable levels. If this proves true, productivity growth
could slow.
From a longer-term perspective, it is possible that the U.S. is
experiencing a shift in the level of productivity rather than its
growth rate. While it is difficult to distinguish the two when
productivity is rising, and indeed there may be little practical
difference during this period, it is important to note that a
permanent productivity pickup implies continuous innovation.
But almost by definition, the effects of innovations such as the
personal computer, the Internet, and their useful purposes are
impossible to predict with certainty. Thus, policymakers face
unavoidable uncertainty concerning both near - and longer - term
productivity prospects.
Scope for new economies elsewhere
Several other advanced economies performed as well or better than
the U.S. in terms of economic growth in the second half of the
1990s (chart). In Canada, the Netherlands, and Spain, economic
growth appears to have primarily reflected labour market
developments, with structural reforms paving the way for strong
employment growth. In the remaining countries (in the chart),
labour productivity gains owing to TFP or capital deepening
contributed to output growth. While very little analytic work has
been done on the role of IT in productivity increases, interest
is growing.
What is the evidence so far? Australia has experienced a pickup
in labour productivity through TFP growth and capital deepening
while Ireland, Finland, and Sweden have experienced pickups to
varying degrees through TFP growth. The extent to which these
contributions to growth can be attributed to IT is not clear,
however. Capital deepening through investment in IT equipment may
be contributing to the aggregate growth shown in chart, as these
countries spent at least five per cent of GDP on IT equipment in
1997, the most recent year for which data are available.
The TFP growth for the business sector could partly reflect the
spillover effects of a new economy, but the magnitudes -
especially for Ireland and Finland - are far larger than the IT
spillover effects estimated for the U.S. (up to one percentage
point). This suggests that much of the increase in productivity
growth is probably coming from other areas.
More research is needed to estimate the impact of IT using
sector-specific, detailed data. High productivity growth in the
IT sector itself also may be contributing to aggregate
productivity gains in some cases.
In Finland and Sweden, IT equipment accounts for approximately 4
to 5 per cent of output in each economy, well above most other
advanced economies. While still a relatively small part of each
economy, the IT sector could be adding about 0.25 percentage
point to economy-wide productivity growth, assuming that
productivity growth in the industry is similar to that in the
U.S.
At the same time, not all higher productivity countries have a
significant IT producing sector. IT spending as a share of GDP is
extremely high in Australia, but production of IT equipment is a
small share of total output
Will the effects of IT spread to industrial countries beyond the
U.S. ? The answer is almost certainly yes, but the speed and
scope are uncertain. Spending on IT equipment is a significant
share of business sector output in most of these economies, and
in principle there is no reason why IT should not play a role
similar to that in the U.S., with the exception in many cases of
the contribution of the IT equipment sector. The timing will
depend on several factors, however, including a high rate of
investment in IT capital and a supportive environment.
Some studies indicate that productivity gains lag IT investment
because of the learning needed to use the new technology
efficiently. The learning process could explain why IT did not
boost productivity before the 1990s in the U.S. and why more
definitive signs are not seen elsewhere.
In this connection, structural reforms to ensure dynamic and
mobile labour markets, available capital for start-ups, and entry
into the telecommunications sector are an important part of
fostering profitable IT investment. IT is also likely to have an
impact on other advanced and emerging markets - some of which
have very large IT sectors - provided the structural conditions
just listed are in place.
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