Indo-Russian ties will be pragmatic

By K.K. Katyal

To say that Russia of today is not the Soviet Union of the days gone by is to stress the obvious. That the bonds between New Delhi and Moscow are different now is clear too. But there is no disputing the strength and stability of the relationship, forged by the two sides since after the demise of the Soviet Union. Tested more than once in the last 10 years, these ties withstood the pressures, generated by international developments and domestic changes in the two countries. This is the setting for tomorrow's India-Russia summit, after a gap of nearly seven years. The interaction between the Prime Minister, Mr. Atal Behari Vajpayee, and the visiting Russian President, Mr. Vladimir Putin, is considered significant in many ways - particularly because it is certain to be marked by pragmatism and stress on mutualism and commonalities.

Not that there were no challenges to these ties in the last decade. First, it was the lukewarm attitude of Russia to India and others in Asia in the early 1990s as it turned to the West for a resolution of its many problems. This was manifest in 1993 when, while entering into a new treaty - of friendship and cooperation - Moscow laboured the point that it was qualitatively different from the landmark treaty of 1971 between the Soviet Union and India. That phase ended with Moscow's disenchantment with the West. The earlier tendency to downplay the 1971 document has now been given up - the Declaration on Strategic Partnership, to be signed by Mr. Vajpayee and Mr. Putin, is to be projected as an extension of the earlier treaties, not excluding the 1971 treaty of the Soviet era.

At one stage, in the mid-1990s, Moscow seemed to be responding to overtures from Islamabad, to the discomfiture of New Delhi. Pakistan felt encouraged to work for a slowdown of the momentum of India-Russia dealings, both in political and defence areas. It did not work - and Islamabad gave up its efforts, seeing no chance of success. Now, we find another move by Pakistan, in the first instance, to work for reducing the distance between Islamabad and Moscow and, subsequently, for diluting India-Russia ties. India appears to have been taken by surprise at these developments in the wake of the Pakistani military ruler, Gen. Pervez Musharraf's meticulously-planned bid for a brief conversation with Mr. Putin in the U.N. corridors during the millennium summit. Slow in gauging this development, India seemed to have realised its implications only after Mr. Putin's special envoy visited Islamabad. The outcome of the discussion was not fully known here, though Pakistan was quick to make full propaganda use, if only to create doubts about the momentum of India-Russia ties. This is a new situation which was not factored in when New Delhi and Moscow were engaged in the preparations for the summit. It would need to be tackled with finesse and clarity - in the spirit of the three guiding factors - pragmatism, mutuality and common interests and concerns. Russian sources here emphasise that concrete cooperation in ``the belt of terrorism in the north of India and south of Russia'' remains a matter of common concern. They stress the need for institutionalised measures in regard to security, information-sharing and harmonising counter-terrorism efforts. Through the Declaration on Strategic Partnership, the two sides would be committing themselves to joint efforts to counter international terrorism, separatism, organised crime and illegal trafficking in narcotics. New Delhi's task is cut out - to ensure that these sentiments are translated into action and are not seen as mere rhetorical flourishes.

On issues arising out of India's nuclear tests, there is divergence in the positions of the two sides. But it has not been allowed to assume unmanageable proportions. The Russian stand is as follows - ``We would welcome India to sign the CTBT. By joining it, India would do a great service to the mankind and the cause of non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. We are aware of India's concerns, and India is fully aware of our position. There is a mutual commitment to the reduction of the nuclear threat. But we will not pressure India or introduce any sanctions. More than that - we are ready to continue our fruitful cooperation in peaceful exploration of nuclear energy.''

The arms supplies relationship will continue to be all-important, with its long-term dimensions, apart from the stress on cooperation in political affairs and science and technology. India is central to Russia. The same way, Moscow is central to New Delhi - had that not been the case, the latest contacts between Russia and Pakistan would not have been watched that closely here.

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