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Yoshiro visit: Efforts likely to repair ties
By P. S. Suryanarayana
TOKYO, AUG. 11. The Japanese Prime Minister, Mr. Yoshiro Mori,
may play a statesman of the Group of Seven (G-7) major
industrialised countries as he seeks to reverse the current
regressive trend in Tokyo's ties with India. The expectation is
that he will perhaps make a definitive statement or at least some
significant announcement during his sojourn in Bangalore in the
first phase of his prospective visit to India in about 10 days'
time, according to officials and diplomats here.
The outlines of any such possible statement are not yet clear,
the available indication being that it is still receiving
finishing touches. However, it will set the stage for Mr. Mori's
political talks with his Indian counterpart, Mr. Atal Behari
Vajpayee, in New Delhi thereafter. Mr. Mori will need to walk the
proverbial tight rope in seeking to repair the ties that suffered
a near-grievous setback in the context of Tokyo's imposition of
retributive economic sanctions on India for its nuclear arms
testing. So, the Japanese leader is likely to focus attention on
Tokyo's positive diplomacy in regard to the larger issues of the
global digital divide and the Information Technology (IT)
revolution, according to diplomats.
Mr. Mori very recently played host to the leaders of the G-8 (the
G-7 plus Russia) and pushed the IT issue as his agenda. The aims
set out in the Okinawa Charter on the Global Information Society
and the G-8's move to establish a Digital Opportunities Task
Force (dot force) will encourage him to woo India at this stage.
In one sense, however, officials tend to believe that Tokyo's
ties with New Delhi have already been normalised in recent
months, given that the External Affairs Minister, Mr. Jaswant
Singh, and the Defence Minister, Mr. George Fernandes, visited
Japan during this period even as it also reciprocated.
Yet, the Japanese side, which does not therefore need to speak
the language of a detente with India, is not downplaying the
challenges of striking a new political entente with New Delhi.
By the time Mr. Mori reaches New Delhi for talks with Mr.
Vajpayee, he would have already met the Pakistani leaders in
Islamabad, where issues relating to Kashmir and nuclear non-
proliferation might well have been touched upon. Given India's
sensitivities and Japan's diplomatic compulsions of the economic
and political kind, a possible option before Mr. Mori has come
into focus in diplomatic and media circles here.
It is considered quite unlikely that either India or Pakistan
will make a decisive move towards signing the Comprehensive Test
Ban Treaty (CTBT) before Mr. Mori's imminent visit to the
subcontinent.
The argument, therefore, is that he may, while not lifting the
existing sanctions on India and Pakistan, offer additional funds
for their ongoing Japan-aided projects, especially if the two
countries are to reaffirm pledges of adherence to their own
separate promises of moratorium on further nuclear-arms-testing
and also indicate the possibility of building a respective
national consensus to sign the CTBT in course of time.
In this scenario, Mr. Mori can seek to augment Japanese funds for
the existing Japan-assisted schemes without scrapping the aid
embargo in regard to absolutely new projects. Japan's official
development aid to India, suspended since the subcontinental
nuclear detonations, was of the order of $1 billion in the fiscal
year before the imposition of sanctions. But the acceptability to
India of any such proposal may depend on whether it will view the
Japanese move as creative diplomacy or a plain but inadequate
gesture.
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