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The dark design at dead of night
THE MORNING of June 26, 1975. I was roused from sleep by a
telephone call from the resident editor of The Statesman,New
Delhi, the paper I worked for then. ``You know what has happened?
Emergency has been proclaimed. J.P., Morarji, Vajpayee, Chandra
Shekhar, L. K. Advani have been arrested. Let us hurry up and
bring out a supplement.'' That morning, most New Delhi newspapers
did not come out because of what seemed a mysterious disruption
of power supply, but was actually a well-planned ploy. The next
two hours in the office and the main story for the supplement was
ready - complete with details of the proclamation, of the arrests
and the official rationale. The page lay-out looked impressive -
what with the shrieking banner headline, the file pictures of the
arrested leaders and the like. Just then the agency ticker
announced the government decision to impose press censorship.
Without losing time, I took the page proof to the Press
Information Bureau at Shastri Bhavan. The officials had just then
received the censorship order but did not have the faintest idea
of how to go about it. The Deputy Principal Officer, in charge of
the Home Ministry, was asked to deal with the ``case''. He had no
guidelines, no dos and don'ts. He chose to use the blue pencil
liberally, crossing out the names of the detained personalities
in the headline, deleting their pictures - and whatever else was
considered ``unsafe.'' It was the first story to be censored.
That evening I met D. K. Barooah, then Congress president - he
was apologetic about not having kept an appointment the previous
evening because he was at the P.M.'s house and the ``discussions
got prolonged''.
That meeting, as it turned out later, was crucial - the decision
to promulgate ``internal emergency'' was given the final shape
there. It was a culmination of the exercises that had gone on
during the preceding fortnight - after the Allahabad High Court
judgment unseated Indira Gandhi and the country seemed in for a
massive, unmanageable agitation for her removal from office.
Involved in it were legal experts, Siddhartha Shankar Ray, Chief
Minister of West Bengal, Rajni Patel, Bombay Congress boss and
main fund collector of the party, Barooah and, of course, Sanjay
Gandhi, architect of the plan. It was a highly secret operation
known only to a few others (for operational reasons) - Bansi Lal,
Haryana supremo, Om Mehta, Minister of State for Home, R. K.
Dhawan, Indira Gandhi's aide, and Kishen Chand, Lt. Governor of
Delhi. The draft of the proclamation was carried by Dhawan to
Rashtrapati Bhavan late at night. The President, Fakhruddin Ali
Ahmed, signed it at 11-45 p.m., 15 minutes before the deadline
fixed by the core group, without posing a single question. The
Cabinet was called the next morning for what turned out to be an
ex-post facto approval. The ministers who reached the P.M.'s
house, venue of the meet, had no idea of what it was about. None
demurred. Only Swaran Singh had the temerity to inquire whether
any other course was not available.
In her nation-wide broadcast that evening, Indira Gandhi said she
had to take this step ``because of the deep and widespread
conspiracy which had been brewing ever since I began introducing
certain progressive measures.'' The plot, according to her, was
intended ``to negate the very functioning of democracy''.
Murdering democracy to ``save'' democracy.
K.K.K.
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