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Opinion
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Burying the nuclear hatchet
By C. Raja Mohan
BEIJING, MAY 30. A speech is in the making, it is said, until it
is actually delivered. The media party travelling with Mr. K.R.
Narayanan had first hand experience of the maxim, when the
President decided to remove a full paragraph from his speech this
morning at the Peking University.
There was unending speculation among mediapersons on the likely
reasons behind the President's decision. The deleted paragraph
was about India's decision to test nuclear weapons in May 1998
and its nuclear policy since then. There was nothing dramatic in
the words that got axed, but the move to scratch the paragraph
from Mr. Narayanan's speech that was circulated the media party
on the flight to Beijing on Sunday did raise the spectre of a
controversy.
Senior officials accompanying the President had a simple
explanation that was both credible and convincing. Since the
differences on the nuclear issue were not touched upon by either
side in Mr. Narayanan's talks with the Chinese President, Mr.
Jiang Zemin, on Monday, the President thought it would be
inappropriate to hold forth on the subject in a public speech
where the Chinese interlocutors had no chance to respond.
There is no question that China is among the last of the major
powers to come to terms with the reality of Indian nuclear
weapons. But the pragmatists that they are, it is only a matter
of time before the Chinese do.
A Chinese analyst here who studies Sino-Indian relations told the
media that Beijing's voice against the Indian nuclear weapon
programme was already getting less intense.
The mood about Mr. Narayanan's visit is so positive that Indian
officials are not willing to let the nuclear question come in the
way of the prospects for what could be a significant change in
the Chinese political attitudes towards India.
* * *
Sino-Indian relations have long been burdened by a huge historic
baggage. The President is working hard to build on the many
positive elements in the long historical engagement between India
and China. He is also urging the two sides to discard those
troubling aspects in recent history that have complicated
bilateral relations.
In his address to the students and faculty of Peking University
and earlier remarks when he unveiled a bust of Rabindranath
Tagore in the library building of the University, Mr. Narayanan
dug deep into the history of cultural bonds between the two Asian
civilisations.
The President's message was simple. India and China must get back
to where they once belonged - a cooperative engagement built on
profound cultural affinities between the two civilisations.
* * *
Mr. Narayanan's diplomacy here has involved more than just a
recounting of the historical associations between India and
China. There was some history being made too, at least in the
cultural field.
On Monday night after the banquet that Mr. Jiang hosted for Mr.
Narayanan, the two leaders moved on to attend an extraordinary
concert in the Forbidden City. The violin maestro, L.
Subramaniam, was performing with the Beijing Symphony Orchestra
conducted by Li Xincao. The fusion between Indian and Western
music won huge applause from the large audience.
Diplomats here are reading a meaning into the concert. They say
it is not often that Mr. Jiang puts in an appearance along with a
visiting Head of State at a cultural performance. They also say
the concert symbolises the possibility that Indian and Chinese
artists could together produce ``an equal music''.
* * *
Travelling with Mr. Narayanan, it was not possible to escape the
burden of history in Beijing - either at the imposing Tiananmen
Square where he was formally received on Monday or at Peking
University where spent the morning.
Most capital cities in the world have impressive squares to
display state power. For example, the Red Square in Moscow or the
Vijay Chowk in New Delhi.
But neither can compare with the expansive Tiananmen Square - a
piece of historic real estate that is framed by the Gate of
Heavenly Peace of the Forbidden City and Mao Zedong's Mausoleum.
On the other two sides are the Great Hall of People and the
Museum of Revolutionary History, both reflecting the huge
influence of Soviet architecture. In the middle of the square is
a column for Chinese martyrs.
Historians here say the square was not always as large as it is
now. It varied in size over time, but it always was at the heart
of political China.
The Peking University, too, has a unique place in the modern
history of China. Set up in 1898, the University has been at the
centre of all the political turmoil that gripped China in the
last century. Popularly known as the Beida, the university
nurtured many of the revolutionaries and nationalists who have
built modern China over the last hundred years.
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