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Opinion
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Chaos in Kosovo
Albanians see the arrival of NATO forces as the first step
towards total independence from Yugoslavia. The Serbs look upon
NATO and the U.N. as ``occupying forces'' and are unwilling to
join any initiative. VAIJU NARAVANE on the situation in Kosovo.
``THIS IS not the place you visited two years ago. This is a
completely new country. In fact it is not yet a country,'' Mr.
Avni Spahiu, Director of Radio and Television Kosovo (RTK), says
with an ironic smile. He reminds me of the day in his office at
Rilindjia when he talked of the exploits of Skanderbeg, the
legendary Albanian who fought the Ottoman Turks several centuries
ago, of the difficulties involved in bringing out an Albanian
daily in the face of constant Serb harassment and censorship and
the inevitability of an armed uprising in Kosovo. ``Our concerns
now are so very different. Now I think of pollution, dust and
garbage collection; of democratic institutions and the crime
rate. Then we thought of survival,'' he says.
Kosovo with its 1.8 million people is the size of a large Indian
district. Pledges for reconstruction and development for the
province now total upwards of $1 billion and the military
hardware concentrated on this tiny patch of the earth is
astounding. A year after it launched a 78-day bombing campaign to
stop Serbian repression in the province whose population is
overwhelmingly Albanian, the international community is
determined to make Kosovo into a success story - a turn of the
century Marshall Plan.
Dr. Bernard Kouchner, one of the founders of Medecins sans
frontiers, the Nobel Prize-winning humanitarian organisation, has
been given a ``Mission Impossible'' by the U.N. Secretary-
General, Mr. Kofi Annan. As his Special Representative for
Kosovo, Dr. Kouchner has wide-ranging executive powers and is
something of a Viceroy in this U.N. protectorate which is
governed by Security Council Resolution 1244 of June 10, 1999.
The Resolution simultaneously guarantees the territorial
integrity of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia made up of the
Serb and Montenegrin Republics while promising substantial
autonomy to Kosovo. The resolution also speaks of the return of
an appropriate number of Serbian police and armed forces to the
province. The United Nations Interim Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK)
has a year's renewable mandate and is expected to administer the
province, while Kfor peacekeepers are to protect the civilians,
guard the frontiers, carry out de-mining operations, and ensure
the return of refugees.
As the head of the UNMIK, Dr. Kouchner also supervises the work
of the other three ``pillars'' of the civilian administration -
the European Union, the Organisation of Security and Cooperation
in Europe and the U.N. High Commission for Refugees. Together
they are supposed to build institutions, hold elections, ensure
the return of refugees, create infrastructure, jump-start the
economy, provide services such as policing, sanitation, health,
education, transport, water, electricity and telephones. While
the return of some 900,000 refugees can be claimed as a success,
UNMIK faces formidable challenges.
``The problems here are enormous. We have to start from scratch.
There are no institutions, a very high crime rate, the economy is
not working. We have to start a new phase, go from the aid phase
to investment - in agriculture, infrastructure, services, small
businesses. Seven months after UNMIK was created, there is still
no commercial bank. People have to rely on cash transactions,
keep their money in pillowcases. And at the moment the only
person investing is the mafia,'' says Mr. Spahiu.
The U.N.'s already difficult mission is being made even more
arduous by criminal activity. The Kosovo Liberation Army (UCK)
was dismantled and 5000 of its 22,000 recruits have been absorbed
into the Kosovo Protection Force, a body somewhat on the lines of
the Home Guards. However, there are 17,000 battle-hardened young
men who are unemployed and in need of a livelihood. A number of
them have been drawn into organised crime, running brothels and
extortion rackets. ``The problem here is political, not one of
reconstruction,'' says Dr. Kouchner who has repeatedly called on
the international community to define what is meant by
``substantial autonomy''. Albanians see the arrival of NATO
forces as the first step towards total independence from
Yugoslavia. They feel NATO and the U.N. will knock Kosovo back
into shape and then hand it over to them as a free country,
something that the U.N. Resolution expressly rules out. The Serbs
look upon NATO and the U.N. as ``occupying forces'' and are
unwilling to join any initiative by Dr. Kouchner.
The divided city of Mitrovica where the Serbs continue to receive
their salaries and pensions from Belgrade is the symbol of these
irreconcilable positions. Another flagrant example is that of a
spanking new clinic built by the U.N. for the Serb community in
Gracanica. The Serbs have rejected this well-equipped, modern
facility, preferring to drive three hours to the hospital in Nis
or six hours to Belgrade. Dr. Kouchner's real success so far has
been the creation of the Joint Interim Administrative Council
(JIAK) with the participation of three Albanian leaders (the
moderate Mr. Ibrahim Rugova, the nationalist Mr. Rexhep Qosja and
the radical Mr. Hashim Thaci), which the Serbs have refused to
join. The setting up of the Council permitted Dr. Kouchner to
obtain the disbanding and disarming of the KLA (although many
weapons still remain hidden), and the dissolution of the
provisional Government proclaimed by the KLA leader, Mr. Hashim
Thaci.
Preparations are now under way for municipal elections to be held
next October and UNMIK plans to launch a series of discussions in
April on the question of ``substantial autonomy''.
Says a commentator, Mr. Veton Surroi, ``This place has to be a
state, viable politically and economically. I am not saying
internationally recognised, but with classical state functions.
Now it is more an anarchic or chaotic non-governmental
organisation. We need to be bolder in tackling the question of
reform.''
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