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Can Putin turn Russia around?
Fresh from a resounding poll victory, the Russian President, Mr.
Vladimir Putin's most challenging immediate task will be to
tackle Russia's oligarchs and break their cozy relationship with
the bureaucrats, writes VLADIMIR RADYUHIN.
LAST WEEK, Russia turned a page in its post-Soviet history with
the election of Mr. Vladimir Putin as its new President. The
largely-expected convincing victory of Mr. Putin, who scored 52
per cent of the votes against 29 per cent for his communist
rival, Mr. Gennady Zyuganov, was a vote in favour of putting an
end to chaos, corruption and economic disarray that marked the
eight-year rule of Mr. Boris Yeltsin, but at the same time it was
a vote against returning to a communist past.
Mr. Putin, who showed his steely hand in crushing Chechen rebels,
won the hearts of Russians craving for a strong leader, law and
order. People backed him because he is everything his predecessor
was not. Whereas Mr. Yeltsin was impulsive and unpredictable, Mr.
Putin is pragmatic, reserved, and self-disciplined. Mr. Yeltsin
was a hard drinker, Mr. Putin is a near teetotaller. Mr. Yeltsin
was old and ill, Mr. Putin is young and robust, boasting a black
belt in judo. For Mr. Yeltsin ascension to the Kremlin throne was
the pinnacle of a life-long career, for Mr. Putin it is the
beginning of a long road. A fiery anti-communist has yielded
place to a disciplined pragmatist. For Mr. Yeltsin power was an
end in itself, for Mr. Putin it is an instrument to achieve a
goal.
What are his goals? The media has dubbed Mr. Putin, a former KGB
officer catapulted from obscure Kremlin official to President-
elect in the space of one year, a ``black box'' because he is yet
to spell out his plans in detail. The President-elect campaigned
on a platform of restoring a strong state governed by law and
building a social-oriented market economy. In foreign policy, he
preaches putting Russia's relations with other countries on a
more business-like, pragmatic footing to help economic revival at
home.
Mr. Putin said his ultimate goal was to raise people's well-
being by promoting stable economic growth. This requires massive
investments into Russia's aging industries, which in turn calls
for political stability. ``There will be no major investment
until we have a solid political system, stability and a strong
Government defending the market and creating favourable
conditions for investment,'' Mr. Putin said in a recent
interview.
Mr. Putin will need to overturn Mr. Yeltsin's ``divide-and-rule''
method, which allowed the ex-President to govern during his long
bouts of ill health. The new President is expected to end rivalry
between the Kremlin administration and the Cabinet of Ministers
and restore central authority by curbing the runaway powers of
regional bosses, who have taken full advantage of Mr. Yeltsin's
ill-advised offer to ``take as much authority as you can
digest''. Mr. Putin is also determined to fight rampant
corruption and cut to size Russia's oligarchs who grabbed much of
Russia's natural resources and gained undue political influence
under Mr. Yeltsin.
Many analysts say that tackling these daunting tasks in a country
as vast and diverse as Russia, especially after years of chaos,
will be impossible without reverting to authoritarian rule.
Optimists predict that Mr. Putin could turn out to be Russia's De
Gaulle. ``Like De Gaulle, Putin came to power at a time of chaos
and anarchy. He enjoys the support of most elite groups and a
majority of the population. And his prescription for Russia is
very similar to what De Gaulle proposed - rapid modernisation
under a regime of personal power and guided democracy,'' said Mr.
Sergei Markov of the Institute of Political Studies. ``It should
be a very limited and `tender' authoritarian regime, one that can
lead us to normal democracy in the near future.''
Pessimists fear that Mr. Putin's announced ``dictatorship of
law'' will in effect be simply a dictatorship, a police state in
which the whim of the President or his administration will be the
law. They say the bloody military operation in Chechnya is the
first sign of things to come. However, most experts agree that
Mr. Putin does not need to resort to dictatorship. He has
inherited vast constitutional powers which enabled Mr. Yeltsin to
rule like a tsar while retaining all the trimmings of a
democratic state. In fact, authoritarian-guided democracy is
already in place in Russia, as evidenced by the installation of
Mr. Putin in the Kremlin as Mr. Yeltsin's chosen successor and
the Kremlin-manipulated victory of the pro-Government Unity party
in the parliamentary polls in December.
Indications are that Mr. Putin's authoritarian rule will take
civilised forms. Unlike Mr. Yeltsin, who loved head-on
confrontations with his enemies, Mr. Putin prefers compromise. He
has quietly persuaded the country's most restive regional barons,
Mr. Mintimir Shaimiyev of Tatarstan and Mr. Murtaza Rakhimov of
Bashkortastan, to resume paying taxes to the federal budget,
which they stopped doing under Mr. Yeltsin. He has indicated his
willingness to cut deals with the communists, saying that their
strong performance in the parliamentary and presidential
elections dictated the need to pursue policies that would be
``more balanced and directed towards lifting the real standard of
living of ordinary people''.
Mr. Putin's most challenging immediate task will be to tackle
Russia's oligarchs and break their cozy relationship with the
bureaucrats. The first test of Mr. Putin's strength will come
when he names a new Government in about six weeks time. The
Cabinet lineup will show whether he has been able to get rid of
people linked to various business groups and the notorious
``Kremlin family'' which helped him win the elections.
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